Japan Real Time Charts and Data

Edward Hugh is only able to update this blog from time to time, but he does run a lively Twitter account with plenty of Japan related comment. He also maintains a collection of constantly updated Japan data charts with short updates on a Storify dedicated page Is Japan Once More Back in Deflation?

Tuesday, July 20, 2010

Japan's 2010 House of Councillors election: another "twisted Diet" coming up?

Guest Post by Manuel Alvarez Rivera
Election Resources On The Internet

Without doubt, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has had a decidedly rough ride in power in the ten months since its historic House of Representatives election victory, which brought to an end more than half-a-century of nearly uninterrupted Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) rule. Last month the Japanese public was treated to the all-too-familiar spectacle of a prime minister stepping down following a decidedly short tenure: after less than nine months as Japan's head of government, Yukio Hatoyama left office over his inability to fulfill campaign promises, and was subsequently replaced by Naoto Kan; Kan, who also succeeded Hatoyama as DPJ leader, is Japan's fifth prime minister in less than four years.

Meanwhile, more grief was in store for DPJ. Prime Minister Kan's initially strong popularity ratings steadily slid over the course of the election campaign, and another very familiar political spectacle took take place on election day, when voters finally went to the polls on Sunday, July 11 to renew half the membership of the upper house of Japan's bicameral National Diet, the House of Councillors: the DPJ and its remaining ally, the small People's New Party (PNP) lost their joint upper house majority.

The loss of the upper house (whose electoral system is described in Japan's 2007 House of Councillors election and Parliamentary Elections in Japan) constitutes a major setback to Prime Minister Kan's government: under Japan's 1947 "MacArthur" constitution, bills rejected by the House of Councillors can't become law unless the House of Representatives - the Diet's lower chamber - overrides the Councillors' veto by a majority of at least two-thirds. Consequently, an opposition-controlled upper house is now able to derail the government's legislative agenda, as was the case between 2007 and 2009, when DPJ and its allies controlled the House of Councillors, while LDP and its coalition partners held a large majority in the House of Representatives; not surprisingly, this state of affairs - known in Japan as a "twisted Diet" - led to repeated clashes between the two legislative bodies.

However, the lower chamber retains the final word on a number of important matters, most notably among them the designation of a prime minister. In addition, it is still possible that Prime Minister Kan and DPJ could now find new coalition allies to secure an upper house majority, although the small Your Party, which now holds ten upper house seats following sizable gains in the recent vote, have formally ruled out the idea. Evidentally, Kan and the Democrats have done themselves no favour with their insistence on increasing the five percent consumption tax, which has proven unpopular with potential coalition partners, not to mention voters.

As a result of the election the government has been reduced to 110 seats in the House of Councillors, while the opposition parties will hold 132 seats.

Although DPJ received the largest number of both prefectural district and party list votes, LDP won the largest number of seats by capturing 21 of 29 single-member districts; DPJ, which only carried eight single-member seats, won more seats than LDP in both the multi-member districts and the party list vote, but this was not sufficient to overcome LDP's large single-seat lead. That said, the election outcome wasn't exactly a ringing endorsement for the Liberal Democrats, as Japan's erstwhile dominant party had its lowest party list share of the vote ever. On the other hand, LDP breakaway Your Party (YP), which favors small government, soared to third place in the election, displacing traditional LDP ally New Komeito (NK; an offshoot of the lay Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai).

It may be debatable whether the result polled by DPJ in the recently held House of Councillors election was particularly bad or not, but it is clear that in terms of seats won it was well below the party's already limited expectations. Historical precedent strongly suggests the upper house election setback will in all likelihood lead to the fall of Prime Minister Kan's government; however, only time will tell if this will turn out to be the case.

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You can find fuller details of the recent election results on Manuel's Japan page, here.

Thursday, July 15, 2010

Japan's turn to China as a primary export market

According to the Financial Times, "China replaced the US as Japan’s biggest export market last year(2009)".(1) Here's a chart from RIETI showing the relative shares of Japan's total exports:


It's remarkable that the proportion of exports to the USA has practically halved in ten years. Figures from Japan's Ministry of Finance show that Japan actually had a trade deficit with China in 2009, while maintaining a trade surplus with the US.(2) This result would be consistent with the idea that Japanese companies source components from China for products that are in part then exported to the rest of the world.

This shift might cause the focus of Japan's monetary authorities to switch somewhat regarding foreign exchange matters. The dollar/yen rate will be a concern more for the potential effect on Japan's holdings of US Treasury debt than for its effect on exports to the US. Ending the yuan peg by the PRC and the likely resulting appreciation versus the dollar would have the effect of increasing the costs to Japanese manufacturers of parts sourced in China but would also increase the purchasing power for Chinese buyers of Japan's finished goods. At the same time, Japanese manufacturers would be squeezed by the increased cost of components from China for products shipped to the USA given that the yen/dollar exchange rate remained stable. Increasing exports to China would be a logical priority for Japan's economic policymakers.

Wednesday, June 16, 2010

Japan's population structure

The population pyramid is inverted:


Population growth is zero:



Japan's population is projected to shrink by approximately 32 million persons, or 25%, over the next forty years:


Source: Statistical Handbook of Japan 2009

Assuming an average household size of two persons, this would mean that about 12.5 million housing units would become excess during this time frame. That would be a significant drag on residential real estate values.

At the same time this would imply reduction of commercial real estate values, as fewer consumers would mean less need for retail space; while reduction in employment would mean less need for office/work space.

It seems that domestic sectors will be a drag on economic growth for Japan for the foreseeable future. At the same time, as export markets are stagnant or in recession it is difficult to forecast much growth for Japan's export sector.

Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Japan - Defying Gravity

By Claus Vistesen: Copenhagen

Popular myth and, allegedly, the laws of aerodynamics have it that the bumblebee should not be able to take flight. Yet still, our good bumblebee refuses to be pulled down by such details and year after year it takes flight as if nothing has happened. This allegory applies, with some imagination, to Japans economy too. Year after year it consequently appears able to simply ramp up domestic debt to cover the shortfall of domestic demand at the same time as low investment demand, a savvy export sector, and a strong net foreign asset position mean that Japan does not have to rely on foreign investors to finance government debt outlays. Together with a central bank stuck in perpetual QE mode due to persistent deflation this has so far constituted the core of Japan's bumblebee moment.

Recent comments and analysis however suggest that while the bumblebee should certainly continue to enjoy the ability to defy gravity, Japan's time just may be up. In particular two pieces of research authored by Societe Generale's Dylan Grice (see here and here) as well as a recent piece by Kenneth Rogoff have added to the concerns that Japan may be headed for a Greek party of their own. In reality of course, the sudden focus on Japan is a direct function of the change in market discourse since end 2009 and the focus on government debt sustainability and how to rein in fiscal policy (if at all). Thus it is only logical to expect the great eye of the market to also turn to the biggest sovereign debtor in the world which just happens to be the oldest (demographically speaking) too.

In order not get confused here is Grice himself;

To recap, the thesis I outlined back in January 1 was that since Japanese households – the biggest effective drivers of JGB demand – are set to dis-save in coming years as they retire (left-hand chart below) there will soon be no one left to finance the government’s nosebleed deficits at current yields. Indeed, the chart below suggests households are already running down assets. And because the interest rates which might attract international investors will inevitably blow up the budget (debt service is already 35% of government revenues at existing yields) there is a very clear and present danger that the government reverts to the well- established historical precedent for cash-strapped governments of currency debasement.

As you can see, the issues here are complex but intellectually they are hugely important since what happens in Japan may tell us a lot about what will happen in other ageing economies such as, most notably, Germany but essentially a whole host of OECD economies (and China) who are set to move in the same direction as Japan. In this sense, I should immediately admit that on an intellectual level I agree with almost everything Grice says and especially his focus on Japan and the nature and extent of dissaving.

But, and in order not to make this into a fan letter, I am going to quibble a little bit with Grice in what follows.

Firstly, and on a very specific point, the chart (in Grice' last note) which shows how Japanese households are actually running down their assets does not fit with the picture I get from my data (BOJ).

Now, I certainly don't want to start the chart wars II here and obviously, there are many ways to define the stock of savings which might prove me as wrong as Grice is right (and vice versa). What is certain is that the incremental flow from household saving (if any) will not be enough to offset the incremental flow of bonds issued by the ministry of finance. This leaves the crucial role of corporate savings which is quite high in Japan and which also seems to be responsible for the Japan's external surplus (on the trade balance at least).

Yet, in order not depart down the path of reinventing the wheel I will immediately refer to my most recent notes on Japan and this in particular in which I butt heads with the FT's Martin Wolf on exactly the issue of (dis)saving in Japan and the distinction between corporate and private savings. Essentially then, this is a question of perspective and timing since I agree with all parties involved here on, at least, two accounts. Firstly, Japan government finances in an extraordinarily bad shape and the future ability of Japan to ever hone up to its liabilities is very, very slim. Secondly, dissaving is very likely to become a binding constraint in Japan at some point which would epitomized by how Japan would need to borrow from foreigners in order to finance an external deficit. In this case, and I agree with Grice here, it is game over.

But how we get from here to there may be just as important as what happens when we get there. In fact, yours truly have just defended his master's thesis on exactly this topic and the overall conclusion, which fits quite well in the present discussion, is as follows;

Ageing societies are not, in the main characterised by aggregate dissaving but rather by the fight against it.

While my thesis councillor did indeed like the entire ouvre he was none to happy about this one. And can can you blame him? Isn't it almost tautology? As I did on my day of graduation I will stand my ground and argue that it isn't.

The crucial issue in my opinion is the change in perspective, from simply sitting back and waiting for the inevitable pop in Japan, Germany etc to starting to examine the main economic characteristics of an elderly economy (such as can be found in Japan, Germany [1] and will be seen in many, more who are yet to come). In a nutshell, such characteristics sum up to a deeply export dependent economy which exactly manages to keep the boat afloat because of higher domestic savings than required to dervice domestic investment demand, thus implying an enduring external surplus. Naturally, and as a very important aside, Japan also has its own central bank who has been administering QE in one form or another for the better part of two decades now, a feauture serves to allow government debt to grow without Japan needing to attract foreign funds.

This perspective provides us with two very important pieces of insight I think. One is that a rapidly ageing economy will not be able to revert to a growth path characterised by external borrowing and thus a net contribution to the unwinding of global imbalances. The second is that the global process of ageing becomes an externality to the whole global macroeconomic system because it puts more and more economies in a situation where they need to maintain external surpluses in order to prevent the forces of dissaving or, more accurately, the slump in internal demand as ageing pushes up the dependency ratio.

Now, think about the discourse we are having exactly at this point in time. It is a perfect mirror on the two points above with the added spice, in the context of the Eurozone, of how economies embarking on internal devaluation are also forced to find growth based on external demand because whatever growth they were able to generate from domestic activities in the first place are now being effectively choked off.

Moving back into the real world, Grice believes that Japan's time may just be up and he specifically points to the fact that Japan needs to roll over 213 trillion while at the same time, the biggest holder of Japanese government bonds has openly announced that it has no inflows with which to suck up extra JGB supply.

I honestly don't know whether he is right. He may be and if so, Japan will stand as a poster example of just how an ageing economy can take it before it folds in on itself in the sense of trying to maintain a modern market economy that is. However, I am inclined to call him on his bet and in this sense I am much closer to Buttonwood's take on the situation;

(...) the huge amount of Japanese debt rolling over this year need not be a problem. Investors will simply recycle their existing holdings. Takahira Ogawa, a sovereign analyst at Standard & Poor’s, thinks there is more scope for the Bank of Japan to buy government debt, as central banks have done elsewhere.

Of course, such measures just postpone the evil day. The crisis will surely arise when Japan becomes dependent on foreigners for finance, or if a sharp rise in inflation or a sudden slump in the currency causes domestic private investors to take fright. But since the country is still running a current-account surplus, the yen is trading at 90 to the dollar (compared with 124 in June 2007) and deflation is forecast for the rest of the year, the apocalypse seems unlikely to occur in 2010.

Thus I would point to the continuing surplus in the corporate sector, the fact that households are not yet drawing down their deposit base, and most importantly; the fact that the BOJ has every right and reason to continue keeping the QE taps open as long as deflation is running at +2% on an annual basis. In fact, here is one of the other feedback loops from ageing right here; namely that as domestic demand simply spirals downwards, the economy gets caught in a deflationary trap (the liquidity trap in monetary policy circles) which only serves to push up domestic government debt thus forcing the central bank's hand on QE and making it even a larger imperative to maintain an external surplus.

However, before I myself try to emulate the bumblebee by defying gravity with another complex argument, I think I will hold off with this one for another day.

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[1] - See this excellent piece by Edward which exactly touches on a similar issue in the context of Germany.